Mago I Of Carthage Puns

Is there a compilation anywhere of the remaining (translated) fragments of Mago’s works on agriculture?

The automaton’s binary screams did not dissuade Magos Faustus from his work. Truth be told, he was fascinated.

“Subject responds to targeted application of Warp-compiled scrapcode. Displays extreme prejudice. Hallmarks classic to a nociceptive response. Data is… unprecedented.”

“Are these results, magos?” Mistos of the Iron Warriors was severe and unhumorous. Faustus distrusted Perturabo’s Legion, despite broadly good relations between his colleagues and the Fourth Legion. While the Magos did not raise respect for individual machines to the inane reverence that many of the Grovelers gave them, he found the methods the Iron Warriors used to handle their equipment… crude.

However, Faustus could not argue with results; and those Mistos provided in spades. The Astartes had once found himself alone and unarmed against three of the hated Black Templar. His grand strategy had been to simply refuse to die while he beat each of them to death with his plated fists. The Warsmith’s face and body had looked like they passed through a meat grinder -- or three chainswords -- at the end of it, but all of his foes had died and he had lived; and here he stood without the need for a Helbrute chassis, or even visible augmentics.

Mistos could worship the Corpse-Emperor in private for all Faustus cared. While he was on duty, Magos Faustus wanted him securing the forge.

“Patience, Warsmith. If we are on the right track with this line of research, then we are at step one. Step thirteen or fourteen will be results.”

“We have patrons, magos. Our patrons expect progress. Give me something that I can pass along to them.”

The Magos converted his recordings of the automaton’s protests from their strange lingua technis to speech-like waveform samples and played them back for Mistos. Cries of agony filled the air. Mistos’s ugly face twisted into a grin.

“You may tell our patrons, Mistos; that I believe we are at step one.”

The Warsmith turned and left the sanctum. Faustus watched him go, his attention segueing to the curious character of the room’s accommodations.

In order to foil the instant transmission capabilities of the subject Faustus had discovered that an incredible amount of psychic noise was needed. To that end, an obscene number of psychic humans and xenos had been sewn together and bonded to the walls of the sanctum. Essentially, the boundaries of the room were defined by a living wall of Warp-sensitive flesh, their suffering confining the subject as surely as t

Hannibal (the famous Carthaginian general, not the serial killer) achieved what the Romans thought to be impossible. With a vast army of 30,000 troops, 15,000 horses and 37 war elephants, he crossed the mighty Alps in only 16 days to launch an attack on Rome from the north.

Nobody has been able to prove which of the four possible routes Hannibal took across the Alps…until now. In Secrets of the Dead: Hannibal in the Alps, a team of experts discovers where Hannibal’s army made it across the Alps – and exactly how and where he did it.

Watch the full episode and come back with your questions about Hannibal for historian and expert on ancient Carthage Eve MacDonald (u/gevemacd)

Proof: https://i.redd.it/w9h26bfbxas01.jpg

EDIT: We're officially signing off. Thanks, everyone, for your great questions, and a special thank you to Dr. MacDonald (u/gevemacd) for giving us her time and expertise!

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there's a moment where Capelianus is riding through the streets of Carthage, looking for Gordian the elder, he sees a group of soldiers gang raping a woman in the arch way of a temple. She calls to him for help but he just smiles and shouts "health and great joy to you" at the soldiers to egg them on

https://youtu.be/8XQOtBrw7KQ

Walter Giardino, the composer, is often refered to as the argentinean Malmsteen. I'd love to get some feedback!

Hiya folks! So, I've been discussing with my dumb Italian Egyptologist friend the issue of the Latin and Greek forms of the word "Carthage", their route of transmission, the Punic/Phoenician form they were borrowed from, and the implications for the phonology of the languages in question.

So, to sum up what we've discussed:

The relevant attested forms are:

Phoenician: 𐤒𐤓𐤕𐤇𐤃𐤔𐤕 /qrtħdʃt/ (vocalism unclear, with a bazillion proposals scattered around the internet). One proposal that seems particularly popular is qart-ḥadašt, which as it turns out would have been pronounced (I think?) /qart ħadoːʃ(t)/ due to a stressed a -> ō shift that occurred.

Aramaic: ܩܪܬܐ ܚܕܬܐ‎ /qarta ħdata/

Attic Greek: Καρχηδών /karkʰɛːdɔ̌ːn/

Hebrew: קרת חדשה /qeret ħadaʃah/ ?

Etruscan: *𐌂𐌀𐌓𐌈𐌀𐌆𐌀 (is this not actually attested? If so what is the reconstruction from?): /kɑrtʰɑt͡sɑ/

Latin: Carthāgō/Kartāgō /karˈt(ʰ)aːgɔː/, Carchēdōn (clearly a direct borrowing from Attic), Carthada /ˈkart(ʰ)ada/ (3rd century CE, possibly from the Aramaic?)

Now, here's the thing: we are confused about the situation with the Latin, Etruscan and Attic forms, especially when it comes to the consonants. According to Wiktionary, the borrowing went Phoenician -> Greek -> Etruscan -> Latin. However, this is problematic for a number of reasons, to the point that Egyptologist friend thinks that the Latin is directly borrowed from Phoenician.

The first issue is the notion that Latin borrowed from Etruscan - if the suggested Etruscan form is legit, the expected form in Latin should be carthassa. Why on earth is /t͡s/, which regularly becomes /ss/ in latin, becoming a g? Also, this doesn't explain the vowels at all - why is the penultimate syllable's ā long, and why is the word ending in -ō instead of -a?

The second issue is that of the consonants. Greek has done something weird by turning /tħa/ into /kʰɛː/, and yet this isn't reflected in the Latin or the Etruscan, which both have orthographic <TH> (and phonemic /tʰ/ in the case of the Etruscan). My friend suggests that Biblical Hebrew ħ was regularly rendered as χ in Koine, and so maybe it was borrowed as tkʰ with the /t/ later being lost. However I find this unconvincing, as Koine had lost /h/ as a phoneme and was in the process of turning χ into an affricate or fricative - it had no better way of representing ħ. Attic and preclassical greek on the other hand had an /h/ phoneme, so IMO they either should have borrowe

In 'I Claudius' I get the impression that the Romans by and large regretted the destruction of Carthage some even believing they were cursed for it (The Punic Curse). How accurate is this? Was the destruction of Carthage regarded with guilt by the Romans after it occurred. How do later writers refer to it?