Just like it says in the title, vanguard-style socialism results in fragmentation of what should've been a a unified anti-capitalist front by all extant socialist states. When there's more than one vanguard the two or more vanguards will begin to argue with each other and insist that they are the one true vanguard that demands all other vanguards subordinate themselves to it. Those that cannot strike out on their own fall in line and those that can will do so and split apart.
That's why the Third International became nothing more than instrument of Soviet foreign policy, a means by which the supreme vanguard that is the CPSU would control the nascent revolutionary vanguards of other socialist movement in capitalist nations. This has led on its surface to one bad decision after another being imposed on national-level International-affiliated socialist organizations, from the September 1922 Uprising in Bulgaria which was a horrific failure for the unprepared communists in the country to the "social fascism" miscalculation which saw Hitler win against a divided leftist field in Germany that otherwise would've commanded a decisive plurality in the Reichstag and block Hitler from seizing power, a decision from which the international over-course corrected into supporting the Popular Front strategy in France and Spain to mixed results. The Third International would ultimately meet an ignoble end at the hands of Stalin's realpolitiking since he decided that it was more important not to risk the alliance of convenience with the UK than it was to have the means to co-ordinate the international proletariat, ironically giving Trotsky and his followers the opening to repeatedly fail to make a Fourth International (no seriously, look up how many "Fourth Internationals" there are).
And that's just the pre-WWII and WWII events. After World War II Stalin and Mao's intolerance of any vanguard that isn't 100% like them and refuses to fall in line resulted in the Tito-Soviet and Sino-Soviet splits, the former leading the charge in creating the Non-Aligned Movement, the epitome of the "both sides are bad" mentality and the latter giving the capitalist world all the cheep industrial manufacturing it could ever ask for, likely staving off catastrophic economic collapse in the capitalist bloc in the process since China literally had nowhere else to go.
The reason why I'm bringing this up is because if we're going to attempt to build an international anti-capitalist movement,
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So what are your thoughts on the international brigades? What can we learn from their experience and how can we apply their lessons to modern struggles?
The point of discussion I want to make is just that. If communism was present in every country worldwide, would the system work?
With Angola implementing the final steps of joining the union, the UASR inherits a separate history, one in which Cubans ensured the survival of Angola as an independent state in the name of proleterian internationalism. During these decades, it was common for Cubans to undergo a rite of passage in spreading the revolution abroad, usually in Africa and Latin America.
The legacy left by Che Guevara and Fidel Castro in Angola has become a part of the UASR, which has also inherited the islands nation's former status as an active driver of revolution. As the overall level of human suffering continues to decline in the republics due to various anti-poverty programs, and with the solidifying of many advantageous geopolitical positions, the UASR has been presented with the opportunity to continue to turn outward and fulfill its mandate to bring about world revolution.
PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM PROGRAM
Across the UASR, constitutionally-mandated conscription is enforced for 2 years for each individual turning 18, with the purpose of training them in asymmetrical warfare against a hostile force. By then distributing arms to these guerrilla reserves, a widespread high standard of military training is maintained, creating a high deterrent to invasion.
With the exception of the four month Malawi campaign, the People's Army has not seen real war in more than a decade, which has mostly reduced the duties of active soldiers to patrolling the borders, national parks, and arms factories. During this period of time it became apparent to the UASR that they could use the time with this captive audience to encourage them to effect change.
At the end of each conscription period, soldiers will be incentivized to stay on a third year serving in the wider movement abroad, with the offer of a six month state vacation after its completion. Knowing that they are likely to come into situations where groups are extremely desperate for UASR aid, the People's Army hopes that many will feel obligated to stay abroad for longer to continue to carry forth the movement.
These volunteers will mostly be carrying out training for paramilitary groups, but others will serve in propaganda programs.
GROUP A: THE NEAR ABROAD (Malawi, Congolese Federation, Angolan Cabinda, Namibia)
The majority of humanitarian aid will be targeted at this region, with the intention of land and water management, suppressing endemic diseases, and in general providing a prese
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From The German Ideology, 1845:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01a.htm
> This “alienation” (to use a term which will be comprehensible to the philosophers) can, of course, only be abolished given two practical premises. For it to become an “intolerable” power, i.e. a power against which men make a revolution, it must necessarily have rendered the great mass of humanity “propertyless,” and produced, at the same time, the contradiction of an existing world of wealth and culture, both of which conditions presuppose a great increase in productive power, a high degree of its development. And, on the other hand, this development of productive forces (which itself implies the actual empirical existence of men in their world-historical, instead of local, being) is an absolutely necessary practical premise because without it want is merely made general, and with destitution the struggle for necessities and all the old filthy business would necessarily be reproduced; and furthermore, because only with this universal development of productive forces is a universal intercourse between men established, which produces in all nations simultaneously the phenomenon of the “propertyless” mass (universal competition), makes each nation dependent on the revolutions of the others, and finally has put world-historical, empirically universal individuals in place of local ones. Without this, (1) communism could only exist as a local event; (2) the forces of intercourse themselves could not have developed as universal, hence intolerable powers: they would have remained home-bred conditions surrounded by superstition; and (3) each extension of intercourse would abolish local communism. Empirically, communism is only possible as the act of the dominant peoples “all at once” and simultaneously, which presupposes the universal development of productive forces and the world intercourse bound up with communism. Moreover, the mass of propertyless workers – the utterly precarious position of labour – power on a mass scale cut off from capital or from even a limited satisfaction and, therefore, no longer merely temporarily deprived of work itself as a secure source of life – presupposes the world market through competition. The proletariat can thus only exist world-historically, just as communism, its activity, can only have a “world-historical” existence. World-historical existence of individuals means existence of individuals which is direct
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