Does anyone have access to this article and the corresponding summary? Thanks in advance!
DOIs:
https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01116-6
https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01132-6
URLs:
Despite the general mood surrounding the issue, when you look at the actual legislation put forward regarding usage of TraceTogether data for criminal investigation purposes, the facts as they are are quite reasonable. The legal provisions are in fact hard coded such that they allow the usage of collected data only when the severity of the crime creates a reasonable cause for it.
However that is the facts as they are. In my recent readings on the founding histories of Singapore, I think it is worth noting that the original agreement between Raffles and Sultan Husain regarding the allowances the British would have over Singapore were also reasonable as they are. Those facts being that the British shall only have the permission to build factories and conduct trade, whilst sovereignty over the island was to remain with the Sultan. If the Sultan could forsee the subsequent actions of the British under Dr. Crawfurd which seized all soveriegnty from the Sultan, I doubt he would have deemed the Treaty reasonable.
The importance here in policy, as in all stately matters of law, is an understanding of potentiality, the understanding that any one action does not only create effects in its current moment, but those effects creates the potential for future possibilties, several which may possess unreasonable amounts of danger. This understanding cannot be dismissed as merely a slippery slope fallacy. There are relationships of casuality between current actions and certain dangerous potentialities which are estimable, measurable and thus reasonable to take into account. As citizens, it is our duty to be aware of this in our judgements of our government's policies.
The skilled chess player does not debate the play of a move based on its immediate benefits and dangers, but based on an educated analysis of the potential outcomes any one move opens up. Only when risks are reasonably measured across a significant number of potentialities is an action taken.
This returns us to the issue of TraceTogether legislation as it is. Should it be utilised in the resolution of severe crimes, what potential forms of governance practices does it open the future up to? What would that mean to the future (and ongoing) participation rates of Singaporeans in such intitatives by the Government? Here the facts are not as certain. It may very well be that the Ministries can provide the evidence that the effective decrease in criminal damages to Singaporean Society brou
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>Subhas Bose was not against the principle of taking up Khilafat agitation, even in hindsight he only went so far as to regret its operating format. He wrote, “The real mistake in my opinion did not lie in connecting the Khilafat issue with the other national issues, but in allowing the Khilafat Committee to be set up as an independent organisation throughout the country, quite apart from the Indian National Congress…. If no separate Khilafat Committees had been organised and all Khilafatist Moslems had been persuaded to join the ranks of the Indian National Congress, they would probably have been absorbed by the latter when the Khilafat issue became a dead one.” And again at another place, “…the introduction of the Khilafat question into Indian politics was unfortunate. As has already been pointed out, if the Khilafatist Moslems had not started a separate organisation but had joined the Indian National Congress, the consequences would not have been so undesirable.”
>Bose is only trying to put the blame somewhere else, to avoid recognizing the fundamentalism and separatism that is inherent in the Moslem psyche, behaviour, and creed. Because, at least in context of Bengal, right before Bose’s eyes, the above suggested line of his is what Bengal Congress under Deshbandhu had taken, that is to induct Khilafatist Moslems within the rank and file of Congress.
>In name of Khilafat recruitment, Congress brought to its leadership positions within Bengal, such Moslems as Abdullahahel Baqi of Dinajpur, Muniruzzaman Islamabadi of Chitagong, Mawlana Akram Khan of 24-Parghanas, Shamsuddin Ahmed of Kushthia, and Ashrafuddin Ahmed Chowdhury of Tippera, some of which were quite openly fanatic. Most of these men would later wreck havoc on the Hindus, although Deshbandhu Das did not live to see it and Bose would not acknowledge it. Some of these like Mawlana Akram Khan were staunch Islamists and emerged as hardliners within the reinvigorated Muslim League in Bengal; he would later be instrumental in the making of (East) Pakistan.
>Deshbandhu Das and Subhas Bose cultivated and helped Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy launch himself as a prominent politician of Bengal. Suhrawardy was the Secretary of the Khilafat Committee for a long time and along with the others he joined the Swaraj party bloc of Congress, by initiative of Deshbandhu. They jointly shared power in Calcutta Municipal Corporation after winning the elections of 1924, with Deshbandhu becaming the Mayor, S
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